Nazi Quotes - page 7
The danger is not only that politicians and private institutions with axes to grind will find tame or corruptible social scientists to support their positions. The greater danger which recent experiences both here and abroad, e. g., Lysenkoism in Russia, have revealed is that partisans primarily political in interest and intention either accidentally or deliberately infiltrate the ranks of science. In the case of the Lysenko episode, and comparable events in Nazi Germany, the disturbing realization to scientists was that the exile or death of those ejected from their academic positions followed what seemed initially to be severe technical criticism by fellow scientists, but was actually politically staged.
Raymond Cattell
If faith and hope were integral to National Socialism, so too, surprisingly enough, was charity. This ceased to be an uncomplicated reflection of human altruism, still less something individuals do discreetly for the good of their souls, or to reap tax exemptions and titles. Instead, it became a favoured means of mobilising communal sentimentality, that most underrated, but quintessential, characteristic of Nazi Germany.
Michael Burleigh
Nazi infiltration of interest groups and also the creation of parallel organizations, which gave the impression of a party listening attentively to particular grievances. It also reflected a totalitarian aspiration, in the sense that Nazis believed that no area of life was to remain unpolitical, and a very modern view that an aggregation of interests would facilitate an eventual political takeover.
Michael Burleigh
The racial doctrine, as interpreted in the Nazi creed, may be, and in my view is, sheer primitive nonsense; and we are no more prepared to admit German superiority of race than we are concerned to assert our own. ... when this doctrine is invoked in justification of the oppression of other races it becomes a crime against humanity.
Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax
![When [Nazi] power had been attained there was not only no unity in regard to future policy but no united group of leaders. The party included a sort of sample collection of all political outlooks in Germany, from crass reactionaries to doctrinaire pacifists and the extremist Left-wing Socialists. (Hermann Rauschning)](https://cdn.quotesdtb.com/img/quotes_images_webp/31/hermann-rauschning-collection-doctrinaire-959331.webp)
At that time the issue was between the groups loyal to Hitler and those who regarded Gregor Strasser as the coming man. The opposing groups were fighting so furiously that they were continually on the verge of blood-shed. Similar violent hostilities were frequent between Nazi magnates. The tension was not as extreme as in 1934 when Hitler resolved to have several thousand party comrades shot.
Hermann Rauschning
The widespread intimidation of the population provided the essential precondition for a process that was in train all over Germany in the period from February to July 1933... The Nazi takeover of the federated states provided a key component in this process... At the same time as the state governments were being overthrown, local Nazis, backed by squads of armed stormtroopers and SS men, were occupying town halls, terrorizing mayors and councils into resigning, and replacing them with their own nominees.
Richard J. Evans
One channel for transmitting Communist models to the Nazi movement were right-wing intellectuals with a left-wing bent close to Hitler, known as the ‘National Bolsheviks.' Their chief theoreticians, Joseph Goebbels and Otto Strasser, greatly impressed by Bolshevik successes in Russia, wanted Germany to help Soviet Russia build up her economy in return for her political support against France and England.
Richard Pipes
On the eve of its coming to power, industrial workers composed nearly one-third of the Nazi Party membership and constituted its largest occupational groups. The party adopted the Red Flag, declared May 1 a paid national holiday, and required its members to address one another as Genossen or ‘comrades.
Richard Pipes
Both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany did indeed allow-or, more accurately, tolerate-private property. However, it was ‘property' in a peculiar and very restricted sense-not the virtually untrammeled private ownership of Roman law and nineteenth–century Europe, but rather conditional possession, under which the state, the owner of last resort, reserved to itself the right to interfere with and even confiscate assets which in its judgment were unsatisfactorily used.
Richard Pipes
The Nazi appealed to the socialist traditions of German labor, declaring the worker ‘a pillar of the community,' and the ‘bourgeois'-along with the traditional aristocracy-a doomed class. Hitler, who told associates that he was a ‘socialist,' had the party adopt the red flag and, on coming to power, declared May 1 a national holiday; Nazi Party members were ordered to address one another as ‘comrades (Genossen). His conception of the part was, like Lenin's, that of a militant organization a Kampfbund, or ‘Combat League.
Richard Pipes
The party which Lenin forged and led was really not a party, in the customary sense of the word. It was more of an ‘order,' in the sense in which Hitler called his National-Socialist Party ‘ein Orden,' bound by the members' unshakable loyalty to their leader and one another, but subject to no other principle and responsible to no other constituency. Genuine political parties strive to enlarge their membership, whereas these pseudo-parties-the Bolshevik one first, and the Fascist and the Nazi ones later-were exclusive in that they treated membership as a privilege, restricting it to persons who met certain ideological as well as class or racial criteria. Elements regarded as unworthy were purged.
Richard Pipes
Within a month of taking control of the German government, the Nazis suspended constitutional guarantees of the inviolability of private property. Property was to be respected, but only as long as the owner used it for the benefit of the nation and state: in the words of a Nazi theorist, ‘[P]roperty was... no longer a private affair but a kind of State concession, limited by the condition that it be put to ‘correct' use.
Richard Pipes
In 1925, Goebbels and Strasser argued in the Nazi daily, Völkischer Beobachter, that only the introduction of a ‘socialist dictatorship' could save Germany from chaos. ‘Lenin scarified Marx.' Goebbels wrote, ‘and in return gave Russia freedom.' Of his own Nazi Party, he wrote in 1929 that it was a party of ‘revolutionary socialists.
Richard Pipes
The communist peasant-nationalist regimes of Asia, relying on the Führerprinzip, extreme ethnocentric nationalism, and racism (and the ultimately grotesque in antimodernism in the case of the Cambodia of the Khmer Rouge) seem to some to represent the fascistization of communism. There is no doubt that, as discussed earlier, fascism and communism share many fundamental characteristics, and Russian spokesmen delight in applying the same words to China as to Nazi Germany: ‘petit bourgeois' policy, ‘bourgeois nationalism,' ‘military-bureaucratic degeneration,' ‘subservient obedience' of the masses, ‘anti-intellectualism,' ‘voluntarism,' ‘subjectivism,' ‘autarchic' policies that try to place ‘surplus population' on ‘foreign territories,' concluding that ‘the Maoist approach in no way differs from fascism.
Stanley G. Payne
Some of the similarities and parallels include: Frequent recognition by Hitler and various Nazi leaders (and also Mussolini) that their only revolutionary and ideological counterparts were to be found in the Soviet Union... [and the] espousal of the have-not, proletarian-nation theory, which Lenin adopted only after it had been introduce in Italy... Hitlerian National Socialism more nearly paralleled Russian communism than has any other non-Communist system.
Stanley G. Payne
At the Twelfth Party Congress in Moscow in 1923, Nikolia Bukharin stressed that the Nazi Party had ‘inherited Bolshevik political culture exactly as Italian Fascism had done.' On June 20, 1923, Karl Radek gave a speech before the Comintern Executive Committee proposing a common front with the Nazis in Germany. That summer several Nazis addressed Communist meetings and vice versa, as the German Communist Party took a strong stand for ‘national liberation' against the Treaty of Versailles and inveighed against ‘Jewish capitalists.' It is said that a few of the more radical Nazis even told German Communists that if the latter go rid of their Jewish leaders, the Nazi would support them.
Stanley G. Payne
