Fascism Quotes - page 9
I do not believe that art must develop on national lines, but I am convinced that there never was and never will be an international art. There is and was French, German, Italian, and Flemish art. But I deny those specific definitions so fashionable with adepts of fascism which make of every country an hermetic cell from which all foreign artists are excluded. [shortly after the end of the German occupation].
Ossip Zadkine
Given the opportunity, Mussolini would have been glad as late as 1920-21 to take under his wing the Italian Communists, for whom he felt great affinities: greater, certainly, than for democratic socialists, liberals and conservatives. Genetically, Fascism issued from the 'Bolshevik' wing of Italian socialism, not from any conservative ideology or movement.
Richard Pipes
From 1920 onward, [Mussolini] depicted Italy as a ‘proletarian' nation exploited by hostile ‘plutocratic' countries determined to deny her her rightful place under the sun. The true class struggle, according to Fascist doctrine, was the struggle between nations. Fascism strove to surmount narrow class allegiances: all classes had to subordinate their private interests to those of the nation and collaborate against the external enemy.
Richard Pipes
Communism, Fascism and National Socialism exacerbated and exploited popular resentments-class, racial and ethnic-to win mass support and to reinforce the claim that they, not the democratically elected governments, expressed the true will of the people. All three appealed to the emotion of hate.
Richard Pipes
For historians of the left even to raise the question of affinities between Soviet Communism and ‘Fascism' is tantamount to conceding the possibility of a causal relationship. Since ‘Fascism' for them is by definition the antithesis of socialism and Communism, no such affinities can be admitted and the sources of ‘Fascism' must be sought exclusively in conservative ideas and capitalist practices. In the Soviet Union this trend went so far the under Lenin, Stalin and their immediate successor, it was forbidden to use the term "National Socialist.”.
Richard Pipes
The third factor inhibiting inquiries into the influence of Bolshevism on Fascism and National Socialism was the insistence of Moscow on banishing from the vocabulary of ‘progressive' thought the adjective ‘totalitarian' in favor of ‘Fascist' to describe all anti-Communist movements and regimes.
Richard Pipes
![[T]he view that anti-Communism equals Fascism remained obligatory in countries subject to Communist censorship until the advent of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost. It was prevalent also in foreign ‘progressive' circles. Western scholars who had the temerity to link Mussolini or Hitler with Communism in any way or to depict their regimes as genuine mass movements risked verbal or other forms of harassment. (Richard Pipes)](https://cdn.quotesdtb.com/img/quotes_images_webp/96/richard-pipes-advent-censorship-958696.webp)
Zeev Sternhell has conclusively demonstrated that nearly all the ideas found in fascism first appeared in France. The fusion of racial nationalism with revolutionary and semicollectivist socioeconomic aspirations first occurred there, and in parallel fashion France was the first major country in which the revolutionary left rejected parliamentarianism while supporting a kind of nationalism.
Stanley G. Payne
The initial press commentary in Moscow on the formation of the first Mussolini government was not overwhelmingly anti-Fascist, despite the Duce's talk of a ‘revolutionary rivalry' with Lenin. Fascism was sometimes perceived not inaccurately as more of a heresy from, rather than a moral challenge to, revolutionary Marxism.
Stanley G. Payne
The communist peasant-nationalist regimes of Asia, relying on the Führerprinzip, extreme ethnocentric nationalism, and racism (and the ultimately grotesque in antimodernism in the case of the Cambodia of the Khmer Rouge) seem to some to represent the fascistization of communism. There is no doubt that, as discussed earlier, fascism and communism share many fundamental characteristics, and Russian spokesmen delight in applying the same words to China as to Nazi Germany: ‘petit bourgeois' policy, ‘bourgeois nationalism,' ‘military-bureaucratic degeneration,' ‘subservient obedience' of the masses, ‘anti-intellectualism,' ‘voluntarism,' ‘subjectivism,' ‘autarchic' policies that try to place ‘surplus population' on ‘foreign territories,' concluding that ‘the Maoist approach in no way differs from fascism.
Stanley G. Payne
There was the populist extreme left, whose main spokesman was the journalist Curzio Malaparte, who wanted to see Fascism make a ‘revolution of the people' that would reflect what the populist left considered true Italian popular culture, both intellectually and socially. There were small sectors of a dissident extreme left or ‘free Fascism' that promoted a progressivist and leftist revolution of ‘liberty' under the Fascist banner.
Stanley G. Payne
At the Twelfth Party Congress in Moscow in 1923, Nikolia Bukharin stressed that the Nazi Party had ‘inherited Bolshevik political culture exactly as Italian Fascism had done.' On June 20, 1923, Karl Radek gave a speech before the Comintern Executive Committee proposing a common front with the Nazis in Germany. That summer several Nazis addressed Communist meetings and vice versa, as the German Communist Party took a strong stand for ‘national liberation' against the Treaty of Versailles and inveighed against ‘Jewish capitalists.' It is said that a few of the more radical Nazis even told German Communists that if the latter go rid of their Jewish leaders, the Nazi would support them.
Stanley G. Payne
Sokolnikov: "I am saying what we thought at that time. We figured that we had certain chances. Where did we see them? We saw them in the play of international contradictions. We considered that, let us say, complete sway in the Soviet Union could never be established by German Fascism because it would encounter the objections of other imperialist rivals, that certain international conflicts might occur, that we could rely on other forces which would not be interested in strengthening Fascism"
Grigori Sokolnikov
Benito Mussolini created the word 'fascism.' He defined it as 'the merging of the state and the corporation.' He also said a more accurate word would be 'corporatism.' This was the definition in Webster's up until 1987 when a corporation bought Webster's and changed it to exclude any mention of corporations.
Adam McKay
